FEAR OF SHAME EXPLAINS A LOT ABOUT TRUMP AND HIS FOLLOWERS
It is reasonable to speculate that most of President Trump’s followers share some or all of his many fears. The one fear they categorically share is the fear of shame. If they didn’t feel deep shame, they would not be followers.

Americans on both the right and left must understand that Trump’s followers are fused with his identity and are driven by fears and shame that they have in common. MAGA loyalty (i.e. identity fusion) to Trump is the unique psychological glue that explains Trump’s power.

MAGA supporters who have not learned how to successfully avoid dealing constructively with their own shame find Trump to be an attractive source of comfort because he helps them avoid feeling their shame rather than work through it. Here are the psychological ways he does that:

He offers a shame shield: When Trump relentlessly positions himself as the main victim of “elites,” the media, and “the system,” he invites supporters to fuse their identity with his, so that any criticism of him feels like an attack on them personally. In doing this, he absorbs and reframes what might otherwise feel like their own personal shame or failure into a story of persecution and grievance by hostile outsiders. Instead of facing painful questions like “What did I do wrong?” or “Where have I fallen short?”, followers are encouraged to experience those emotions as evidence that they—and he—are being unfairly targeted, which short-circuits genuine self-reflection.

He turns shame into blame: Feelings of failure, humiliation, or loss of status are reframed as someone else’s fault—immigrants, coastal elites, “the deep state”—which converts painful self-directed shame into energizing anger at out-groups.

He normalizes “shamelessness”: His open boasting, rule-breaking, and refusal to apologize model a way of living without visible shame, guilt or humility, comforts people who are overwhelmed by their own unprocessed shame. They long to feel untouchable and above shame like Trump appears to be.

He offers belonging and visibility: Trump’s political appeal is often described by scholars and journalists as rooted less in concrete policy proposals and more in emotional dynamics of identity, repair, and shame relief among his supporters. In this rhetorical framework, he functions symbolically as someone who tells a stigmatized or culturally devalued group that they are seen, that their grievances are justified, and that they need not feel ashamed of how they live, what they look like, how they speak, or what they believe.

The idea of “identity repair” comes from research on emotions in social movements: people who feel looked down on, stigmatized, or “left behind” seek leaders and narratives that convert humiliation and shame into pride and/or righteous anger. When Trump tells his supporters that tey are patriotic Americans who are unfairly attacked by elite liberals, he offers a kind of emotional shelter in which negative feelings about social status, shame or failure can be blamed on others. He says “they” are to blame for your shame, not “you.” This is what “shame relief” points to: instead of helping people work through shame by self-reflection, the leader invites them to disown it and redirect it toward enemies, critics, and scapegoated out-groups

For people who have long felt humiliated, sidelined, or culturally looked down on, his message functions like a moral promotion: “You are not the problem; you are the backbone of the country.” When he calls them that they are the “real Americans” and portrays them as victims of corrupt elites, coastal cosmopolitans, or racial “others,” he flips the script from “I am failing” to “I am being wronged,” which feels far more bearable.

Trump’s rhetoric does two things at once.

    • It soothes loneliness and social shame by offering belonging to his “in-group:
      • When you are part of MAGA, you are part of a special in‑group that is under siege by educated, liberal elites. ​You and I are on the same side. We are under attack together.
      • Look at me! I have no shame.
      • Because I can do anything I want to do, you also can do anything you want to do.
      • I will protect you from those who hate us and try to shame us.
      • Look at how I protected the January 6 patriots! I will do the same for you.
    • It offers visibility and elevation of status:
      • Your resentments and disappointments are not signs of your failures, low social status, or bad choices you have made.
      • You feel the way you do because liberal elites have used DEIA to put immigrants and blacks ahead of you in terms of social status, access to jobs and education.
      • Liberal, educated elites in congress and previous administrations are deluded and corrupt; our anger them is proof that we see how corrupt they are.
      • When corrupt government denies us our rights, we are justified in seeking revenge.
      • We are alike because we share the same anger, resentments and disappointments.
      • Since I am now the President of the USA, and since you are part of my in-group, you are important and powerful — just like me.
      • Instead of asking supporters to examine how their own choices, prejudices, or limitations contribute to their pain,
      • Trump’s rhetoric tells his followers that their pain is evidence of their virtue and importance.
      • This message makes Trump a powerful, emotionally protective figure—a leader who not only “fights for them,” but also licenses them to feel proud, aggrieved, innocent, and even violent all at once.

He supports defensive identities: Trump’s refusal to confront his fears and shame directly, honestly and constructively reveals a profound weakness of character. Rather than following a healthy process of self-examination and growth, he defends himself against painful emotions with aggressive, grandiose, and blaming strategies that many supporters find appealing because they, too, have not worked through their own fears and shame.

Instead of inviting his followers to engage in honest self-reflection about their mistakes and personal vulnerabilities, his rhetoric reinforces rigid, defensive identities (e.g. patriot, victims of elites, victims of DEIA policies, fighter, etc.) that shield them from confronting deeper feelings of inadequacy, fear and shame in the same way he shields himself.

Moreover, because Trump does not explicitly rule out the use of violence in defense of himself or his causes. In fact, in his deployment of ICE and CBP officers in deportation of immigrants, he frames violence as a legitimate option for “protecting” what he and his followers value. In doing so, he not only normalizes the idea that force is an acceptable way to resolve political and existential threats but also offers his supporters a model for defending and asserting themselves aggressively when they feel attacked or humiliated.

Here is a reasonable, succinct way to summarize Trump’s appeal:

The comfort he offers is not true emotional healing, but an emotional bargain: “Stay loyal to me, and I’ll protect you from feeling ashamed of yourself by telling you your pain is someone else’s fault.”

If Trump couldn’t offer these quick, painless “cures” for shame, his followers wouldn’t feel the same strong emotional drive to sacrifice their own honesty, integrity and values for his rhetoric about being a victim and a dominant winner. Instead, their deep fear of feeling weak or “not good enough” keeps them attached to him. They use him like a shield to protect themselves from those painful feelings.

Fear of shame—rooted in feelings of powerlessness, status loss, or moral failure—pushes Trump’s supporters into a kind of identity fusion with Trump, whose own defenses against shame center on blame-shifting, aggression, and grandiose defiance of authority and law. In aligning themselves closely with Trump, followers import his psychological — and sometimes behavioral — strategies as their own. When fused to Trump, humiliation is reinterpreted as righteousness, collective (i.e. Trump and MAGA) evidence that “we” are being persecuted — not “I have fallen short.” This makes Trump’s character function as a kind of moral, artificial, emotional substitute that they can put on and take off as needed.

If Trump’s supporters were not already burdened by deep, often unspoken shame, they would have no psychological need for the redemptive role he plays in their inner lives. His message is especially attractive to people who experience themselves as chronically belittled, displaced, or “looked down on,” because it promises to reverse that status without suffering through painful self-examination.

Through his rhetoric, Trump tells his followers that they have nothing to be ashamed of, that their critics are the real villains, and that they are victims of a corrupt government and social order. In doing so, he offers a powerful emotional bargain: they can trade in feelings of defectiveness by believing Trump’s narrative which claims that they are morally superior, unfairly persecuted, and entitled to anger.

By insisting that they are the “real Americans” who have been betrayed, he offers them a way to convert shame into pride and grievance without going through uncomfortable self-examination. In this dynamic, Trump easily takes on the role of “quasi-savior” who not only protects them from educated, liberal elites who despise them, but also rescues them from their own feelings of inadequacy. He becomes the figure who carries their shame for them and transforms it into a story where they are righteous victims rather than flawed or failing individuals.