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In recent years, the Christian right has become an increasingly powerful force in American politics. The belief that God has called on conservative Christians to rule over society has extended into all levels of government, from school boards to the White House.
Many pundits call this movement Christian nationalism. But while it may seem like a phenomenon born out of our current political moment, it represents the culmination of various movements with roots that trace back decades. The more extreme elements didn’t just materialize a few years ago. They’ve been there from the start.
In the beginning — in this case, the 1970s — some Christians feared their influence in society was waning. The Supreme Court had outlawed school-sponsored prayer and Bible readings and had legalized abortion.
In response, religious figures began to organize around the idea that they had a duty to bring Christianity back into public life. Several Christian-influenced organizations, including Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority and James Dobson’s Family Research Council, were soon formed and went on to shape Republican policies for decades to come. Evangelical Protestants of different denominations joined forces and united with conservative Catholics, like Paul Weyrich, the founder of the think tank the Heritage Foundation, to advance their shared political goals. Under the banner of “pro-family politics,” the New Christian Right movement fought against abortion access, feminism and gay rights as attacks on traditional family values.
Jerry Falwell:Televangelist who founded the Moral Majority, which mobilized conservative Christian voters for the Republican Party. Falwell, who died in 2007, also founded Liberty University.
James Dobson: Prominent evangelical leader and founder of Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council, which helped shape the politics of family values. Dobson is 88.
Paul Weyrich: Founder of several organizations in addition to the Heritage Foundation, Weyrich helped craft a coalition between conservative Catholics and evangelical Protestants that would extend into the present. Weyrich died in 2008.
Inside a red-rimmed sports arena, more than 15,000 evangelicals gathered with conservative activists to discuss how to get Christians more involved in politics.
They had come to an event known as the National Affairs Briefing because the evangelists Billy Graham and Bill Bright reported that God had issued each of them the same warning: America had only 1,000 more days of freedom. After speaking with the pair, televangelist James Robison said God had urged him to host a conference that would “refocus the direction of America.”
The sea of believers roared as Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan took the podium.
“This is a nonpartisan gathering, and so I know that you can’t endorse me,” Reagan said. “I want you to know that I endorse you and what you are doing.”
The moment underscored an important shift in American politics, helping to cement evangelical Christians as a reliable conservative voting bloc.
But while Reagan took the spotlight, backstage in Dallas, Robert Billings, a Reagan campaign adviser who had helped found the Moral Majority, nodded to a less prominent visionary: R.J. Rushdoony, the father of a more extreme movement known as Christian Reconstructionism.
“If it weren’t for his books, none of us would be here,” Billings remarked, as recalled in an essay by Gary North, an economic historian and Rushdoony’s son-in-law.
“Nobody in the audience understands that,” replied North.
“True,” said Billings. “But we do.”
Billy Graham: A pioneer in televangelism who met with every president from 1950 to 2010, but later said pastors shouldn’t get too close to politicians. Graham died in 2018. His son Franklin Graham is an ardent supporter of former President Donald Trump and spoke at the 2024 Republican National Convention.
North Carolina is among the southern states that should be regarded as canaries in the coal mine for “state capture”: the process by which the far right is wresting control of U.S. politics in spite of representing a minority of the population’s views. State capture is usually discussed in the context of international politics and countries with threatened democracies. Scholar Elizabeth Dávid-Barrett defines it as “a type of systematic corruption whereby narrow interest groups take control of the institutions and processes through which public policy is made, directing public policy away from the public interest and instead shaping it to serve their own interests.”
Right-wing state capture is increasingly a threat within U.S. states, which are systematically being taken over by Christian right leaders and their corporate and wealthy supporters through a combination of gerrymandering, voter suppression, organized and coordinated propaganda, and privatization. Public institutions that often serve as venues for free debate and social change — such as libraries and universities — are under aggressive attack.
North Carolina has been among the testing grounds for this approach, alongside states like Texas, Florida, South Carolina and Oklahoma (just to name a few). Now Mark Robinson poses an imminent threat of pushing the state’s undemocratic policies to a new level.
Robinson came onto the political scene relatively recently, catching people’s attention with a fiery speech he gave on gun rights at a Greensboro City Council meeting in 2018. Since then, he’s been a splashy figure with a fast rise to fame: He is a Black arch-conservative known for calling education about sexuality and gender identity “filth,” calling Muslims “invaders,” tweeting about Holocaust denial and promoting anti-Jewish tropes, and spreading coronavirus conspiracy theories. Robinson, a former factory worker and army reservist, ran a successful campaign to become North Carolina’s first Black lieutenant governor in 2020.
Robinson is in some ways low-hanging fruit for liberal pundits, and an example of what our politics in 2024 have boiled down to: inflammatory, viral and uncompromising. But more important than his attitude and style is Robinson’s actual policy and platform. The problem is not just his words, but the actions they lead to: state capture dressed up as righteous Christian populism.
Robinson’s vision for North Carolina is a kind of Gilead from The Handmaid’s Tale: He dreams of Christian supremacy, openly enforced by both police and armed civilians. This brand of Christian nationalism would mean rolling back abortion rights even further; defunding public schools and severely restricting all school-based discussions of race, gender and sexuality; preventing trans people’s access to health care; deporting immigrants; increasing policing; and even taking up arms against what he describes as anti-patriotic and anti-Christian forces.
Robinson may seem like a loose cannon, but with him as a spokesman, the state’s Republican Party is in fact pursuing most of these goals systematically. After the Dobbs decision in the Supreme Court, the Republican-run legislature passed a ban on abortions after 12 weeks, overriding current Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper’s veto with their powerful supermajority vote. If Robinson is elected, he plans to further those goals: He supports a total ban on abortions except in cases of rape, incest or endangering the life of the parent.
“Abortion in this country is not about protecting the lives of mothers,” he said in a video that his Democratic opponent Josh Stein has made a key part of his campaign ads. “It’s about killing a child because you weren’t responsible enough to keep your skirt down.”
Just last year, Robinson also supported a “Parents’ Bill of Rights” passed by the North Carolina legislature that restricts young people from accessing sexual and gender identity education or changing their names or pronouns without parental consent, and makes it impossible for trans youth to get health care or even mental health support at school if their parents do not approve. Teachers essentially become mandatory reporters of children’s trans identities, a prospect that has both LGBTQ advocates and educators concerned.
This bill came on the heels of a performative attack on public education that Robinson spearheaded over several years. Robinson led a task force that claimed to be investigating “indoctrination” in schools — he called it the Fairness and Accountability in the Classroom for Teachers and Students (F.A.C.T.S.) Task Force. After a brief period of “investigation” with no public meetings or even minutes regarding the process, the task force produced a report baselessly claiming that kids in the state were being indoctrinated with “critical race theory” and exposed to so-called white shaming and sexualization of kids, among other things.
In reality, the report cherry-picked submissions from conservative parents and teachers whose complaints included teachers posting Black Lives Matter signs, children being required to learn about racial discrimination and racial equity, counselors being given instructions on how to support trans kids, and even — gasp — a teacher telling his fifth-graders about having “two daddy’s and two mommy’s [sic] and how that was okay.”
“There’s no reason anybody anyplace in America should be telling any child about transgenderism, homosexuality, any of that filth,” Robinson quipped on a church stage the year the task force launched.
RELIGION DISPATCHES
Last week, Katie Britt, one of Alabama’s two Christian nationalist senators, provided a now-notorious rebuttal to President Joe Biden’s State of the Union address. If nothing else it was compelling television (and it even inspired a widely shared Saturday Night Live parody featuring Scarlett Johansson).
Speaking from her family’s luxurious-but-barren kitchen, and carefully staged as “America’s mom,” the Republican senator wasted no time diving into her worries about “the future of the nation.” Using an exaggerated voice and melodramatic body language, she lied about sex trafficking in an attempt to discredit Biden’s border policies, a narrative contradicted by the victim herself. As if that weren’t enough, Britt blamed spending by the Biden administration for inflation, a claim rejected by most economists, and indulged conspiracy theories about the Chinese Communist Party’s intentions for the U.S.
Historian Heather Cox Richardson placed Britt’s appearance in the context of social conservatism’s long reactionary project, commenting that Britt “represented the outcome of the longstanding opposition to women’s equal rights in the United States.”
Britt was more than a representative, though. She was an active marketing agent, selling both opposition and the fear that fuels it.
It’s almost universal today to find social conservatives clinging to a rigidly hierarchical vision of family and society out of fear of difference, cultural change, or anything or anyone who challenges those hierarchies. Nearly 30 years ago, George Lakoff posited that, at the core of the conservative mindset is the “strict father” model of the family, in which people respond to a fallen and dangerous world with the authority of a strong and virtuous male head.
Fear is the glue that holds the strict father family together, and so fear must be forever sustained. It demands a constant rehearsal of the reasons to be afraid of the outside world, and why those reasons require obedience to one’s betters. Social conservatism is a perpetual sales job to convince both insiders and outsiders of its own worthiness.
Public Religion Resource Institute
PRRI Staff,
02.28.2024
Throughout 2023, PRRI interviewed more than 22,000 adults as part of its American Values Atlas, which provides for the first time the ability to estimate support for Christian nationalism in all 50 states. Additionally, this new analysis examines how religion, party, education, race, and other factors intersect with Christian nationalist views.
Roughly three in ten Americans qualify as Christian nationalism Adherents or Sympathizers.
Residents of red states are significantly more likely than those in blue states to hold Christian nationalist beliefs.
Click here to read full article.
The New Yorker
By Kelefa Sanneh
March 27, 2023
Seven years ago, during the Republican Presidential primary, Donald Trump appeared onstage at Dordt University, a Christian institution in Iowa, and made a confession of faith. “I’m a true believer,” he said, and he conducted an impromptu poll. “Is everybody a true believer, in this room?” He was scarcely the first Presidential candidate to make a religious appeal, but he might have been the first one to address Christian voters so explicitly as a special interest. “You have the strongest lobby ever,” he said. “But I never hear about a ‘Christian lobby.’ ” He made his audience a promise. “If I’m there, you’re going to have plenty of power,” he said. “You’re going to have somebody representing you very, very well.”
By the time Trump reluctantly left office, in 2021, his relationship with evangelical Christians was one of the most powerful alliances in American politics. (According to one survey, he won eighty-four per cent of the white evangelical vote in 2020.) On January 6th, when his supporters gathered in Washington to protest the election results, one person brought along a placard depicting Jesus wearing a maga hat; during the Capitol invasion, a shirtless protester delivered a prayer on the Senate floor. “Thank you for filling this chamber with patriots that love you, and that love Christ,” he said.
The events of January 6th bolstered a growing belief that the alliance between Trump and his Christian supporters had become something more like a movement, a pro-Trump uprising with a distinctive ideology. This ideology is sometimes called “Christian nationalism,” a description that often functions as a diagnosis. On a recent episode of “revcovery,” a podcast about leaving Christian ministry, Justin Gentry, one of the hosts, suggested that the belief system was somewhat obscure even to its own adherents. “I think that, spitballing, seventy per cent of Christian nationalists don’t know that they’re Christian nationalists,” he said. “They’re just, like, ‘This is normal Christianity, from the time of Jesus.’ ”
In contemporary America, though, the practice of Christianity is starting to seem abnormal. Measures of religious observance in America have shown a steep decrease over the past quarter century. In 1999, Gallup found that seventy per cent of Americans belonged to a church, a synagogue, or a mosque. In 2020, the number was forty-seven per cent—for the first time in nearly a hundred years of polling, worshippers were the minority. This changing environment helps explain the militance that is one of the defining features of Christian nationalism. It is a minority movement, espousing a claim that might not have seemed terribly controversial a few decades ago: that America is, and should remain, a Christian nation.
There is no canonical manifesto of Christian nationalism, and no single definition of it. In search of rigor, a pair of sociologists, Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry, examined data from various surveys and tracked the replies to six propositions:
Note to readers:
The text below is an excerpt from an article written by The theme of the article is training homeschooled children to defend Christian Nationalism doctrines. published by Religion Dispatches.
For most students, debate serves an academic purpose. For Christian homeschoolers, however, debate serves both a spiritual purpose and a sociopolitical purpose.
The spiritual purpose is evangelism. Sarah Pride, a homeschool alumna and daughter of homeschool leader Mary Pride, explained in an article for Practical Homeschooling that debate “prepares young communicators for the specific purpose of serving Christ.” Debate thus becomes a means to accomplish the Great Commission—the idea that Jesus tasked Christians to make disciples of all nations. As a pseudonymous alumna of homeschool debate once wrote, “The larger purpose of all of this was to… eloquently and winsomely communicate a ‘biblical worldview’ in the culture at large—we were supposed to become world-changers and culture makers.”
The sociopolitical purpose is dominionism. Christian Right expert Frederick Clarkson* describes dominionism as “the theocratic idea that… Christians are called by God to exercise dominion over every aspect of society by taking control of political and cultural institutions.” Debate is seen by the Christian Right as a powerful tool for equipping young people with the skills necessary to take control of these institutions. Former Florida debater Kieryn Darkwater states, “They want to create articulate teenagers to take over the world.”
(RNS) — The Rev. Gerald L.K. Smith loved Jesus so much he built a seven-story statue on the top of an Ozark mountain to honor his savior. Smith loved America, too, but despised many of his fellow Americans. Especially those who were Black, Jewish or immigrants.
An ordained Disciples of Christ pastor, master showman, skilled fundraiser, prolific writer and “minister of hate,” Smith spent decades warning white Christians that they were in danger of losing their country to devious forces conspiring against them.
To combat those forces, Smith founded a political party, ran for U.S. Senate and churned out tens of thousands of copies of The Cross and the Flag, a monthly magazine dedicated to the cause of Christian nationalism.
For Smith, that work was defined not by Jesus or the Constitution. His main concern was preserving Christian power and what he called “traditional Americanism.”
“The first principle for which we stand is: Preserve America as a Christian Nation being conscious of the fact that there is a highly organized campaign to substitute Jewish tradition for Christian tradition,” he wrote in “This Is Christian Nationalism,” which outlined the 10 pillars of his movement.
Among the other pillars of Christian nationalism: outlawing communism, destroying the “bureaucratic fascism” of income tax and the Supreme Court, and preserving racial segregation forever.
Smith aimed to take the latent prejudices and anxieties of American society and fan them into flames, wrote the late Glen Jeansonne, a longtime University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee history professor and Smith’s biographer. For Smith, the fear of communism was an excuse to embrace prejudice and pursue power.
“His life illustrates that the career of a person of remarkable talents can be tragic if it is guided by a lust of power and fueled by a bigotry that appeals to latent hatred,” wrote Jeansonne in his 1988 biography, subtitled “Minister of Hate.”
Note to Readers:
The article below reports a proposal by conservative Israeli lawmakers to overrule the authority of the Israeli Supreme Court. This appears to be the kind of movement that Christian Nationalists have made to stack the US Supreme Court with conservative judges. It may anticipate what could happen in America if Christian Nationalists gain full control of the US government — including state and federal courts.
JERUSALEM (RNS) — Susan Weiss, an Israeli activist, worries that proposed judicial reform that would grant Israeli lawmakers the right to overrule the country’s Supreme Court would greatly broaden the reach of Israel’s Orthodox Jewish establishment.
“We think the state should not be in charge of religion. The state should not pick and choose which expression of Judaism they think is authentic,” said Weiss, one of an estimated 300,000 Israelis who flooded the streets outside the country’s High Court on Monday (Feb. 13) to protest the proposed bills.
If successful, the proposed reform would allow a slim majority of lawmakers — just 61 of 120 in the Knesset — to reverse High Court decisions. It would also give parliamentarians the final say on who can serve as a judge.
Weiss and many others fear that the proposed judicial overhaul would allow the religious parties that make up a crucial swing vote in Israel’s Knesset, or parliament, to impose fervently religious norms on Israel’s non-Orthodox majority.
“I’m here for my grandchildren. I want them to live in a country that’s democratic and protects the civil liberties of all its citizens,” said Weiss, whose organization has argued cases on behalf of women’s rights before the High Court.
Supporters of the reforms consider them a necessary step to “rein in” the judiciary, according to the Israel Democracy Institute. Over the decades, the court has repeatedly challenged the authority of Israel’s religious institutions in favor of religious pluralism.
Critics of the reforms “fear that the removal of the only effective check on executive power in Israel will jeopardize civil liberties, economic prosperity, and Israel’s international standing,” the institute said.
Washington Post
By Jennifer Rubin
When you hear the phrase “Christian nationalists,” you might think of antiabortion conservatives who are upset about the phrase “Happy Holidays” and embrace a vaguely “America First” way of thinking. But according to a Public Religion Research Institute-Brookings Institution poll released Wednesday, Christian nationalists in fact harbor a set of extreme beliefs at odds with pluralistic democracy. The findings will alarm you.
“Christian nationalism is a new term for a worldview that has been with us since the founding of our country — the idea that America is destined to be a promised land for European Christians,” PRRI president and founder Robert P. Jones explained in a news release on the survey of more than 6,000 Americans. “While most Americans today embrace pluralism and reject this anti-democratic claim, majorities of white evangelical Protestants and Republicans remain animated by this vision of a white Christian America.
To measure Christian nationalism, the PRRI/Brookings Christian Nationalism Survey included a battery of five questions about the relationship between Christianity, American identity, and the U.S. government. Respondents were asked whether they completely agree, mostly agree, mostly disagree, or completely disagree with each of the following statements: